In the 00s, Republican attacks on Al Gore, the former US vice-president whose personal fortune tops $300m, were one of the main drivers of polarisation among the American public on green issues.
In many parts of the world, the financial crash and years of subsequent turmoil have shredded electoral support for parties and politicians associated with the old order and propelled new forces into power, from Trump in the US to Brexiters in the UK.
Popular anger at the economic insecurities that are synonymous with 21st-century capitalism which in the UK have included soaring housing costs, the casualisation of employment and sustained falls in wages has provided an opening for any political forces presenting themselves as radical outsiders, fighting on behalf of the voiceless masses.
On the right, these grievances have been fused with a cultural resentment towards highfalutin virtue-signalling and liberal elites.
在右翼，这些不满已经与对高尚的美德和自由主义精英的文化怨恨融合在一起。
It is here that inactivists have spotted an opportunity to harness some of the antagonism towards prevailing power systems and use it to undermine support for what they see as unaffordable climate action.
As decarbonisation efforts expand into the realm of our everyday lives, touching on the ways we heat our homes, for example, or the cars we own and the roads we are allowed to drive down, that task has become easier.
Their efforts have been aided further by social media platforms, which have enabled the rapid spread of disinformation and helped fuel social division.
他们的努力得到了社交媒体平台的进一步帮助，这些平台使得虚假信息迅速传播，并助长了社会分裂。
The defining and mutually reinforcing phenomena of our age are political turbulence and technological disruption.
我们这个时代的决定性和相互加强的现象是政治动荡和技术破坏。
Its into this crucible that debates over climate breakdown are now being poured.
